During the long decades of the Cold War, the United States never really developed a trustworthy relationship with India despite the two being the largest democracies. The US, initially due to colonial inertia of its closest ally UK, sided with Pakistan ever since its formation with India’s Independence in 1947.

During the wars in 1947-48, 1965 and 1971, the US showed its preference for Pakistan. Those were years when its arch rival, the Soviet Union, was leading the socialist bloc and the US suspected India to be in the Soviet camp though officially New Delhi was leading the third or neutral camp, known as the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in a strong rebuttal of the Cold War.

All this changed the moment Pakistan risked misadventure in Kargil in the summers of 1999, barely weeks after then India Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee rode a “friendship bus” to Lahore. The change came particularly after India’s stern and robust response to Pakistani invasion in Jammu and Kashmir.

A summer when Pakistan deceived India

In the blistering summer of 1999, the Kargil war erupted like a sudden storm across the Himalayas, thrusting the world’s attention onto the Line of Control (LoC) between India and Pakistan.

Catching India off guard in the euphoria of Vajpayee’s friendship move and a matching reciprocity by then Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif — who too had been deceived by Pakistan Army chief General Pervez Musharraf, who later deposed Sharif and became the ruler of the country — Pakistani forces occupied a number hills that Indian forces vacate during snowy winters of the high hills in the highest elevation zone on the earth.

What began as a localised conflict soon evolved into a pivot of global diplomacy, which y reshaped the relationship between the United States and India. US President Bill Clinton found it challenging to navigate the intricate webs of international diplomacy — himself caught at a crossroads when the conflict broke out.

A facade that the US believed in

It’s often overlooked that immediately prior to the Kargil war, US-India relations were at their lowest point, overshadowed by India’s decision to go nuclear. The Vajpayee government had carried out nuclear tests in May 1998. As the leading nuclear power, with unmatched surveillance capabilities, the US was found napping as the Vajpayee government provided cover to Indian scientists to carry out these tests in the deserts of Rajasthan.

Embarrassed and anguished, the US responded with unprecedented sanctions against India, raising concerns over nuclear proliferation in South Asia as Pakistan had hurriedly followed up its own nuclear tests to show that it matched India’s technological prowess. Pakistan was the US’s ally — a subservient loyal partner — in South Asia. For decades, the US had used Pakistan to counter India, a democracy that had stood up to the hegemonistic attitude of American leaders.

Pakistan was a facade the US believed will keep it at the fulcrum of the South Asian and Central Asian strategic games. The US depended on it for its counter-Russia operations and hoped to use Pakistan to keep a tab on Taliban and al-Qaeda and its leader Osama bin Laden.

On the other hand, it mistrusted India for its neutral and somewhat Gandhian socialist approach in politics and diplomacy. Exacerbated by India’s nuclear tests in 1998, then-US Deputy Defence Secretary Strobe Talbott’s diplomatic efforts were largely focused on arms control, with little room for broader strategic cooperation.

But Kargil changed India-US relationship, forever

However, the Kargil incursion by Pakistan dramatically altered this dynamic.In a sense, both India and Pakistan had been ‘isolated’ after their nuclear tests. Vajpayee used the opportunity to bring the two nations together — not only at the political level but more importantly at people-to-people and cultural levels.

The incursion by Pakistan was a shock that woke up the US leadership when the Cold War had ended and the Soviet Federation had disintegrated in over a dozen states. Successor Russia was not in a position to rival with the economic might of the US. And India had opened up its economy, becoming extremely attractive for American companies. Pakistan had reached a state when it had served its purpose in the geopolitical game of the US.

When the Vajpayee government shared enough evidence to prove that the Kargil incursion was like stabbing in India’s back after its sincere attempt at stitching the wounds of the past to build a new friendly future. Vajpayee had famously said, “We can change our friends, not neighbours.”

Once reality dawned on Clinton…

Clinton’s swift and unequivocal condemnation of Pakistani aggression against India marked a watershed moment. For the first time, the US openly sided with India, demanding Pakistan’s withdrawal from occupied territories and threatening consequences for Islamabad’s belligerence. This bold stance underscored a shift in American foreign policy, setting the stage for deeper engagement with New Delhi.

The climax came during a tense summit between Clinton and Sharif in Washington on July 4, 1999. The meeting was charged with urgency and high stakes. Clinton, known for his diplomatic finesse, adopted an unyielding posture as India had conveyed in no uncertain terms what it wanted, insisting on Pakistan’s compliance with international borders and highlighting concerns over its nuclear ambitions and links to terrorism. The outcome was decisive: Pakistan’s retreat from Kargil and a clear signal of America’s alignment with India’s strategic interests.

The aftermath of Kargil resonated far beyond the battlefield. It reshaped the trajectory of US-India relations. Clinton, too, seized the moment and undertook the historic visit to India in 2000—the first by a US president in over two decades.

The visuals of Clinton dancing with women folk dancers in a Rajasthan village — something the US president had not done in his own country. This journey marked a symbolic thaw in bilateral ties, underlining Clinton’s vision of India as a pivotal democratic power deserving of American partnership.

And war ultimately gave two friends

During his visit, Clinton was greeted with warmth and enthusiasm by Vajpayee, reflecting a newfound camaraderie between the two nations. Beyond ceremonial niceties, discussions focused on bolstering security cooperation and expanding economic ties, laying a solid foundation for future collaborations. Vajpayee was successful in conveying that India’s decision to go public with its nuclear tests was not a mistake.

What Clinton laid as a new foundation of India-US relationship was built upon by subsequent US administrations. Presidents following Clinton continued to deepen engagements with India, recognizing its rising global stature and shared democratic values.

Today, the US-India relationship stands as a testament to the transformative power of diplomacy amid conflict. What began amid the heights of Kargil has evolved into a strategic partnership encompassing defence cooperation, economic ties, and shared commitments to regional stability.

As the world reflects on the legacy of the Kargil war, it is relevant to underscore how significant it turned out to be in redefining international alliances. The bonds forged in the crucible of conflict have endured, propelling US-India relations to new heights and setting a course for mutual prosperity and security in the 21st century.

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How Kargil war turned US into an India ally